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ZZ 2009年7月7日奥巴马在俄罗斯新经济学院毕业典礼的演讲(中英对照) [复制链接]

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发表于 2009-7-15 13:08:38 |显示全部楼层

奥巴马在俄罗斯发表演讲 喊话意味十足
美国总统奥巴马7日在莫斯科发表演讲时表示,俄罗斯必须尊重格鲁吉亚和乌克兰的主权,在伊朗和朝鲜的核计划问题上也应与国际社会进行合作。
“国际主权应该是国际秩序的奠基石,” 奥巴马在莫斯科新经济学院发表演讲时称,就像所有国家都应该有权选择他们的领导人一样,各国也有权巩固边防和制定他们的外交政策。
“任何舍弃这些权利的组织系统都将走向混乱。这些原则应该运用到所有的国家——其中包括格鲁吉亚和乌克兰。”
而在关于伊朗和朝鲜的核问题上,奥巴马说美国和俄罗斯都不会在他们的核军备竞争中获益,希望俄罗斯能与美国一起阻止朝鲜和伊朗发展核武器,并在相关问题上进行合作。  

2009年7月7日奥巴马在俄罗斯新经济学院毕业典礼的演讲(中英对照)

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AT THE NEW ECONOMIC SCHOOL GRADUATION
Gostinny Dvor
Moscow, Russia
July 7, 2009

美国总统奥巴马在俄罗斯新经济学院毕业典礼上的演讲
Gostinny Dvor 会展中心
俄罗斯,莫斯科
2009年7月7日


Thank you so much. Well, congratulations, Oxana. And to the entire Class of 2009, congratulations to you. I don't know if anybody else will meet their future wife or husband in class like I did, but I'm sure that you're all going to have wonderful careers.
多谢大家。祝贺你,奥科萨纳(Oxana)。2009届全体同学,祝贺你们。我不知道是否还有其他人像我一样在同窗读书时遇到未来的妻子或丈夫,不过我肯定你们都会有美好的前途。
I want to acknowledge a few people who are here. We have President Mikhail Gorbachev is here today, and I want everybody to give him a big round of applause. (Applause.) I want to thank Sergei Gurief, Director of the New Economic School. (Applause.) Max Boiko, their Chairman of the Board. (Applause.) And Arkady Dvorkovich, who is the NES board member, President of the Alumni Association and is doing an excellent job for President Medvedev, because he was in our meeting yesterday. (Applause.)
我希望向在场的几位致谢。莅会的有米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫(Mikhail Gorbachev)总统,我希望大家给予他热烈的掌声。(掌声) 我感谢新经济学院院长谢尔盖·古里埃夫(Sergei Gurief)。(掌声)  学院董事会主席马克斯·博伊科(Max Boiko) 。 (掌声)  学院董事会成员兼校友会会长阿尔卡季·德沃科维奇(Arkady Dvorkovich),他正以出色的表现为梅德韦杰夫(Medvedev)总统工作,他昨天还出席了我们的会谈。(掌声)
Good morning. It is a great honor for me to join you at the New Economic School. Michelle and I are so pleased to be in Moscow. And as somebody who was born in Hawaii, I'm glad to be here in July instead of January. (Laughter and applause.)
早上好。我非常荣幸能参加新经济学院的这次活动。米歇尔和我来到莫斯科,感到十分高兴。作为出生在夏威夷的人,我感到高兴的是能在7月而不是1月份来到这里。(笑声和掌声)


I know that NES is a young school, but I speak to you today with deep respect for Russia's timeless heritage. Russian writers have helped us understand the complexity of the human experience, and recognize eternal truths. Russian painters, composers, and dancers have introduced us to new forms of beauty. Russian scientists have cured disease, sought new frontiers of progress, and helped us go to space.
我知道,新经济学院是一个年轻的院校,但今天我心怀对俄罗斯不朽的传统的高度敬重之情对你们发表讲话。俄罗斯作家帮助我们了解人生的纷繁复杂,认识到永恒的真理。俄罗斯画家、作曲家和舞蹈家使我们领略到了美的新形式。俄罗斯科学家治愈了疾病,开拓了新的发展领域,帮助人们飞向太空。
These are contributions that are not contained by Russia's borders, as vast as those borders are. Indeed, Russia's heritage has touched every corner of the world, and speaks to the humanity that we share. That includes my own country, which has been blessed with Russian immigrants for decades; we've been enriched by Russian culture, and enhanced by Russian cooperation. And as a resident of Washington, D.C., I continue to benefit from the contributions of Russians -- specifically, from Alexander Ovechkin. We're very pleased to have him in Washington, D.C. (Applause.)
尽管俄罗斯幅员辽阔,但这些贡献并未局限在俄罗斯疆界之内。毫无疑问,俄罗斯的传统已传播到世界每一个角落,激发了我们共有的人性。其中也包括我自己的国家,几十年来因俄罗斯移民获益良多;我国获得俄罗斯文化的丰富营养,也因与俄罗斯的合作得到发展。作为首都华盛顿哥伦比亚特区的居民,我继续获得俄罗斯人的贡献带来的惠益──特别是因为亚力山大·奥韦奇金(Alexander Ovechkin)。他住在华盛顿哥伦比亚特区,我们非常高兴。(掌声)
Here at NES, you have inherited this great cultural legacy, but your focus on economics is no less fundamental to the future of humanity. As Pushkin said, "Inspiration is needed in geometry just as much as poetry." And today, I want particularly to speak to those of you preparing to graduate. You're poised to be leaders in academia and industry; in finance and government. But before you move forward, it's worth reflecting on what has already taken place during your young lives.
在新经济学院,你们继承了这个伟大的文化传统。你们尽管以经济为重点,但对人类的未来也同样至关重要。正如普希金所说,“灵感对于几何学,如同灵感对于诗歌一样必不可少。” 今天,我特别希望对即将毕业的同学说一些话。你们即将成为学术界和工业界的领军人,成为金融界和政界的主力。然而,在你们迈出这一步之前,有必要回顾在你们成长期间发生的历史。
Like President Medvedev and myself, you're not old enough to have witnessed the darkest hours of the Cold War, when hydrogen bombs were tested in the atmosphere, and children drilled in fallout shelters, and we reached the brink of nuclear catastrophe. But you are the last generation born when the world was divided. At that time, the American and Soviet armies were still massed in Europe, trained and ready to fight. The ideological trenches of the last century were roughly in place. Competition in everything from astrophysics to athletics was treated as a zero-sum game. If one person won, then the other person had to lose.
如同梅德韦杰夫总统和我一样,你们当时年纪尚幼,未能亲历冷战最黑暗的年代,那时在大气层试爆了氢弹,孩子们进入防空洞参加演习,我们曾经走到核灾难的边缘。你们是全世界壁垒分明的时期出生的最后一代人。当年,美国军队和苏联军队仍在欧洲集结、训练并准备交战。上一个世纪意识形态的壁垒大致依旧。从天体物理学到体育运动,相互间的竞赛往往被视为你死我活的争斗。一方获胜,另一方必失。
And then, within a few short years, the world as it was ceased to be. Now, make no mistake: This change did not come from any one nation. The Cold War reached a conclusion because of the actions of many nations over many years, and because the people of Russia and Eastern Europe stood up and decided that its end would be peaceful.
此后短短几年时间,世界不复以往。如今毫无疑问的是:这个变革并非由任何一个单独的国家引发。由于无数国家多少年来采取的行动,由于俄罗斯和东欧人民挺身而出,决心以和平方式告别过去,冷战从此宣告结束。
With the end of the Cold War, there were extraordinary expectations -- for peace and for prosperity; for new arrangements among nations, and new opportunities for individuals. Like all periods of great change, it was a time of ambitious plans and endless possibilities. But, of course, things don't always work out exactly as planned. Back in 1993, shortly after this school opened, one NES student summed up the difficulty of change when he told a reporter, and I quote him: "The real world is not so rational as on paper." The real world is not so rational as on paper.
随着冷战的结束,人们产生种种殷切的期待── 希望实现和平与繁荣;建立国家间的新秩序,以及为个人提供新机会。如同所有巨大变革的时期一样,这是一个大展宏图的时代,一个充满无限机会的时代。然而, 任何事物都不可能时时一帆风顺,事事如人心愿。1993年,贵校成立后不久,新经济学院一位学生在接受记者采访时概括了改革的艰难。他说道:“现实的世界并不像书本上那样理性。”现实的世界并不像书本上那样理性。
Over two tumultuous decades, that truth has been borne out around the world. Great wealth has been created, but it has not eliminated vast pockets of crushing poverty. Poverty exists here, it exists in the United States, and it exists all around the world. More people have gone to the ballot box, but too many governments still fail to protect the rights of their people. Ideological struggles have diminished, but they've been replaced by conflicts over tribe and ethnicity and religion. A human being with a computer can hold the same amount of information stored in the Russian State Library, but that technology can also be used to do great harm.
在过去动荡的20年中,这种说法的正确性在全世界得到证实。虽然创造出巨额财富,但它并未消除遍布四方的极度贫困。贫困在这里存在,在美国存在,在全世界存在。有更多的人参加了投票,但仍有太多国家的政府仍旧未能保护本国人民的权利。意识形态的斗争逐渐减少,但代之而起的是部落、种族和宗教冲突。一个拥有电脑的人可以拥有与俄罗斯国家图书馆(Russian State Library)等量的信息,但这种技术也可被用于制造严重伤害。


In a new Russia, the disappearance of old political and economic restrictions after the end of the Soviet Union brought both opportunity and hardship. A few prospered, but many more did not. There were tough times. But the Russian people showed strength and made sacrifices, and you achieved hard-earned progress through a growing economy and greater confidence. And despite painful times, many in Eastern Europe and Russia are much better off today than 20 years ago.
在新俄罗斯,旧的政治与经济束缚随着苏联的解体而消失,这既带来机遇,也造成困苦。一些人致富了,但更多的人没有。曾有过艰难的时期。但俄罗斯人民显示了坚韧不拔的力量,作出了牺牲,通过经济增长取得了来之不易的进步,并且增强了信心。尽管经历了痛苦,但东欧和俄罗斯很多人的生活比20年前大大改善。
We see that progress here at NES -- a school founded with Western support that is now distinctly Russian; a place of learning and inquiry where the test of an idea is not whether it is Russian or American or European, but whether it works. Above all, we see that progress in all of you -- young people with a young century to shape as you see fit.
我们在这里——在新经济学院,看到了这种进步。这个在西方支持下成立的学院如今具有鲜明的俄罗斯特色,成为从事研究与探索的学府;在这里,检验一个理念的标准不在于它是俄罗斯的、美国的、还是欧洲的,而是看它是否行得通。最重要的是,我们从你们所有人——将按自己的意愿去塑造一个年轻世纪的年轻人——身上看到这种进步。
Your lifetime coincides with this era of transition. But think about the fundamental questions asked when this school was founded. What kind of future is Russia going to have? What kind of future are Russia and America going to have together?  What world order will replace the Cold War? Those questions still don't have clear answers, and so now they must be answered by you -- by your generation in Russia, in America, and around the world. You get to decide. And while I cannot answer those questions for you, I can speak plainly about the future that America is seeking.
你们恰恰生活在这个转变的时代。想一想在这个学院刚成立时所提出的一些基本问题:俄罗斯将有什么样的未来?俄罗斯和美国将有什么样的共同未来?会有什么样的世界秩序取代冷战?对这些问题仍然没有明确的答案,因此它们必须由你们来回答——由在俄罗斯、美国和全世界的你们这一代人来回答。决定将由你们作出。虽然我无法替你们回答这些问题,但我可以明了地谈一谈美国正在寻求的未来。
To begin with, let me be clear: America wants a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia. This belief is rooted in our respect for the Russian people, and a shared history between our nations that goes beyond competition. Despite our past rivalry, our people were allies in the greatest struggle of the last century. Recently, I noted this when I was in Normandy -- for just as men from Boston and Birmingham risked all that they had to storm those beaches and scale those cliffs, Soviet soldiers from places like Kazan and Kiev endured unimaginable hardships to repeal -- to repel an invasion, and turn the tide in the east. As President John Kennedy said, "No nation in history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War."
首先,我要清楚表明:美国希望有一个强大、和平和繁荣的俄罗斯。这一信念植根于我们对俄罗斯人民的尊敬以及两国间超越竞争关系的共同历史。尽管两国曾互为对手,但两国人民在上一世纪最伟大的斗争中互为联盟。最近,我在诺曼底(Normandy)时曾指出这一点:如同来自波士顿和伯明翰的战士奋不顾身攻上海滩、登上悬崖一样,来自喀山(Kazan)、基辅(Kiev)等地的苏联士兵忍受了难以想象的艰难困苦,取消了——击退了入侵,在东线扭转了局势。诚如约翰?肯尼迪(John Kennedy)总统所说,“在战争史上,任何国家都不曾遭受过苏联在二次世界大战中所遭受的那种苦难。”
So as we honor this past, we also recognize the future benefit that will come from a strong and vibrant Russia. Think of the issues that will define your lives: security from nuclear weapons and extremism; access to markets and opportunity; health and the environment; an international system that protects sovereignty and human rights, while promoting stability and prosperity. These challenges demand global partnership, and that partnership will be stronger if Russia occupies its rightful place as a great power.
因此,在铭记这一历史的同时,我们也认识到一个强大、富有生机的俄罗斯对未来的有益作用。想一想这些将决定你们生活的问题:不受核武器和极端主义伤害;市场准入和机会;卫生与环境;保护国家主权与人权并促进稳定与繁荣的国际体系。应对这些挑战必须靠全球合作,如果俄罗斯占在它应有的大国位置上,这种合作关系会更为有力。
Yet unfortunately, there is sometimes a sense that old assumptions must prevail, old ways of thinking; a conception of power that is rooted in the past rather than in the future. There is the 20th century view that the United States and Russia are destined to be antagonists, and that a strong Russia or a strong America can only assert themselves in opposition to one another. And there is a 19th century view that we are destined to vie for spheres of influence, and that great powers must forge competing blocs to balance one another.
但是,令人遗憾的是,有时存在着一种感觉,认为昔日的设想,过去的思维方式一定占上风;一种基于过去而非基于未来的实力观。有一种20世纪的观念,认为美国与俄罗斯注定互为对手,认为一个强大的俄罗斯或强大的美国惟有在相互对立中才可显示自己的威力。还有一种19世纪的观念,认为我们注定要争夺势力范围,认为大国只有形成相互争夺的集团,才可达到平衡。
These assumptions are wrong. In 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries. The days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over. As I said in Cairo, given our independence, any world order that -- given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably fail. The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game -- progress must be shared.
这些设想都是错误的。在2009年,一个强国不是靠控制或妖魔化其他国家显示实力。帝国可以将主权国家当棋盘上的棋子摆布的时代已经结束。如我在开罗所说,鉴于我们的独立,任何世界秩序——鉴于我们的相互依存,任何企图使一个国家或一个群体凌驾于另一个国家或另一群体之上的世界秩序必将失败。寻求实力不再是零和游戏——进步必须共享。
That's why I have called for a "reset" in relations between the United States and Russia. This must be more than a fresh start between the Kremlin and the White House -- though that is important and I've had excellent discussions with both your President and your Prime Minister. It must be a sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave the way to progress.
这就是我呼吁“重启”美俄关系的理由所在。这决不能仅限于克林姆林宫与白宫关系的新开端——尽管这一点很重要,我与贵国总统和总理分别就此举行了极好的讨论。这必须是美俄两国人民的持久努力,以明确双方的共同利益,扩大对话与合作,从而为取得进步铺平道路。
This will not be easy. It's difficult to forge a lasting partnership between former adversaries, it's hard to change habits that have been ingrained in our governments and our bureaucracies for decades. But I believe that on the fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians share common interests that form a basis for cooperation.  It is not for me to define Russia's national interests, but I can tell you about America's national interests, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground.
这不是容易办到的事。对于以往相互抗衡的对手而言,相互建立持久的伙伴关系有很大的困难,改变我们的政府和官僚机构数十年来形成的根深蒂固的习惯势力,任务也十分艰巨。但我相信在决定本世纪走向的基本问题上,美国人民与俄罗斯人民拥有共同的利益,从而提供了合作的基础。俄罗斯的国家利益用不着我来阐释,但我可以告诉你们,美国的国家利益是什么。我相信你们会发现我们拥有共同的基点。



First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.
首先,逆转核武器扩散的趋势,防止核武器的使用,是美国的利益所在。
In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction. In 2009, our inheritance is different. You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror -- we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries. But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint. We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.
上一个世纪,美国和俄罗斯的几代人继承了可以毁灭其他国家的力量,同时也认识到使用这种力量也会造成自身的毁灭。2009年,我们传承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出这样的问题:美国和俄罗斯领导人是否将奉行恐怖的均势──我们了解,我们两国之间发生任何战争,都将产生悲惨的结局。但我们确实有必要问这样一个问题:我们有必要问一问,在纽约和莫斯科杀害无辜平民的极端主义分子会不会表现同样的克制。我们有必要问一问,10个、20个,或者50个有核武装的国家是否会保障本国核武库的安全并避免使用核武器。
This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century. The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion. In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests. Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons?
这就是21世纪核挑战的核心问题。认为拥有这些核武器就能提高自己的地位,或认为一旦确认和鉴别哪些国家可以拥有这些核武器,我们就能保护自己,都?不切实际的幻想。在冷战结束后的短时期内,我们已经看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韩进行了核试验。如果不发生根本性的变化,我们中间有谁真正相信今后20年不会出现核武器的进一步扩散?
That's why America is committed to stopping nuclear proliferation, and ultimately seeking a world without nuclear weapons. That is consistent with our commitment under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That is our responsibility as the world's two leading nuclear powers. And while I know this goal won't be met soon, pursuing it provides the legal and moral foundation to prevent the proliferation and eventual use of nuclear weapons.
正是出于这个原因,美国坚决要求制止核扩散,最终争取实现全世界不存在核武器的目标。这与我们在《不扩散核武器条约》(Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty)中作出的承诺相一致。这是我们作为全世界两个核大国需要承担的责任。尽管我知道这个目标不可能很快实现,但争取实现这个目标可以为防止核武器扩散并避免其实际使用提供法律和道义的基础。
We're already taking important steps to build this foundation. Yesterday, President Medvedev and I made progress on negotiating a new treaty that will substantially reduce our warheads and delivery systems. We renewed our commitment to clean, safe and peaceful nuclear energy, which must be a right for all nations that live up to their responsibilities under the NPT. And we agreed to increase cooperation on nuclear security, which is essential to achieving the goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear material within four years.
我们已经为奠定这个基础迈出了重大步伐。昨天,梅德韦杰夫总统和我为两国谈判达成一项新的条约取得了进展。这个条约将大大减少我们的弹头和运载系统的数量。我们重申我们致力于核能源的洁净、安全与和平使用,所有根据《不扩散核武器条约》履行其职责的国家都有权获得这样的核能。我们同意加强在核安全问题上的合作,这对于达到在四年内保障所有危险核材料的安全的目标至关重要。
As we keep our own commitments, we must hold other nations accountable for theirs. Whether America or Russia, neither of us would benefit from a nuclear arms race in East Asia or the Middle East. That's why we should be united in opposing North Korea's efforts to become a nuclear power, and opposing Iran's efforts to acquire a nuclear weapon. And I'm pleased that President Medvedev and I agreed upon a joint threat assessment of the ballistic challenges -- ballistic missile challenges of the 21st century, including from Iran and North Korea.
在我们履行自己的承诺之时,我们还必须使其他国家为他们做出的承诺负责。不论美国还是俄罗斯,我们两国都不可能从东亚和中东的核武器竞赛中获益。正是由于这个原因,我们应该共同反对北韩成为核国家,共同反对伊朗获得核武器。我感到高兴的是,梅德韦杰夫总统和我同意对弹道导弹问题──21世纪弹道导弹构成的挑战,包括来自伊朗和北韩的威胁──联合进行威胁评估。
This is not about singling out individual nations -- it's about the responsibilities of all nations. If we fail to stand together, then the NPT and the Security Council will lose credibility, and international law will give way to the law of the jungle. And that benefits no one. As I said in Prague, rules must be binding, violations must be punished, and words must mean something.
此事并非针对个别国家,而是涉及到所有国家的责任。如果我们不能采取共同立场,那么《不扩散核武器条约》和联合国安理会的信誉就会丧失殆尽,国际法就会被弱肉强食的法则取代。这对任何人都没有好处。我曾在布拉格(Prague)表示,规则必须有约束力,违者必罚,言必有信。
The successful enforcement of these rules will remove causes of disagreement. I know Russia opposes the planned configuration for missile defense in Europe. And my administration is reviewing these plans to enhance the security of America, Europe and the world. And I've made it clear that this system is directed at preventing a potential attack from Iran. It has nothing to do with Russia. In fact, I want to work together with Russia on a missile defense architecture that makes us all safer. But if the threat from Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile program is eliminated, the driving force for missile defense in Europe will be eliminated, and that is in our mutual interests.
成功地执行这些规则有助于消除产生分歧的根源。我知道俄罗斯反对在欧洲部署导弹防御系统的计划。为了加强美国、欧洲和全世界的安全,本届政府正在审议有关计划。我已明确表示,这个系统的目的在于防止可能来自伊朗的袭击,与俄罗斯无关。事实上,我希望与俄罗斯在导弹防御框架的问题上相互合作,从而加强我们大家的安全。但一旦排除了来自伊朗核计划和弹道导弹计划的威胁,在欧洲部署导弹防御系统的驱动力将不再存在。这符合我们的共同利益。
Now, in addition to securing the world's most dangerous weapons, a second area where America has a critical national interest is in isolating and defeating violent extremists.
除了限制全世界最危险的武器之外,美国具有重大国家利益的第二个问题是孤立并战胜暴力极端主义分子。
For years, al Qaeda and its affiliates have defiled a great religion of peace and justice, and ruthlessly murdered men, women and children of all nationalities and faiths. Indeed, above all, they have murdered Muslims. And these extremists have killed in Amman and Bali; Islamabad and Kabul; and they have the blood of Americans and Russians on their hands. They're plotting to kill more of our people, and they benefit from safe havens that allow them to train and operate -- particularly along the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
多年来,"基地"组织及其附庸亵渎了一个代表和平与正义的伟大宗教,残酷无情地杀害各种国籍和各种信仰的男子、妇女和儿童。尤其值得注意的是,他们甚至也杀害穆斯林。这些极端主义分子在安曼和巴厘岛杀人;在伊斯兰堡和喀布尔杀人;他们的手上也沾满美国人和俄罗斯人的血。他们正在密谋杀害我们更多的人民,他们得到一些安全庇护所,在那里进行训练和活动──特别是在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境地区。
And that's why America has a clear goal: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan. We seek no bases, nor do we want to control these nations. Instead, we want to work with international partners, including Russia, to help Afghans and Pakistanis advance their own security and prosperity. And that's why I'm pleased that Russia has agreed to allow the United States to supply our coalition forces through your territory. Neither America nor Russia has an interest in an Afghanistan or Pakistan governed by the Taliban. It's time to work together on behalf of a different future -- a future in which we leave behind the great game of the past and the conflict of the present; a future in which all of us contribute to the security of Central Asia.
正是因为如此,美国有一个明确的目标:瓦解、捣毁和击败“基地”组织及其在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的同夥。我们不谋求建立基地,也不希望控制这些国家。相反,我们希望与国际夥伴相互合作,其中包括俄罗斯,帮助阿富汗和巴基斯坦促进其安全与繁荣。正是因为这个原因,我对俄罗斯允许美国经贵国领土为我们的盟军运送物资感到高兴。无论美国还是俄罗斯,均不希望看到塔利班统治阿富汗或巴基斯坦。现在,我们应该为实现另一种前途携手努力 ── 我们不再进行以往的大规模竞赛,同时努力解决当前的冲突,让我们都为中亚的安全做贡献。



Now, beyond Afghanistan, America is committed to promoting the opportunity that will isolate extremists. We are helping the Iraqi people build a better future, and leaving Iraq to the Iraqis. We're pursuing the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living in peace and security. We're partnering with Muslim communities around the world to advance education, health, and economic development. In each of these endeavors, I believe that the Russian people share our goals, and will benefit from success -- and we need to partner together.
现在,在阿富汗之外,美国还致力于争取更多的机会孤立极端主义分子。我们正在帮助伊拉克人民建设更美好的未来,将伊拉克交由伊拉克人自己治理。我们正在寻求实现以色列和巴勒斯坦两个国家在和平与安全的环境中共存的目标。我们正在与世界各地的穆斯林进行伙伴合作,以推进教育、卫生和经济发展。在每一项努力中,我相信俄罗斯人民都与我们有共同的目标,并将从成功中获益──为此,我们需要结成伙伴关系。
Now, in addition to these security concerns, the third area that I will discuss is America's interest in global prosperity. And since we have so many economists and future businessmen and women in the room, I know this is of great interest to you.
现在,除了这些安全问题之外,我将谈论的第三方面的问题是美国对全球繁荣的关注。 今天有如此众多的经济学家和未来的工商界人士在场,我知道这是你们很关心的问题。
We meet in the midst of the worst global recession in a generation. I believe that the free market is the greatest force for creating and distributing wealth that the world has known. But wherever the market is allowed to run rampant -- through excessive risk-taking, a lack of regulation, or corruption -- then all are endangered, whether we live on the Mississippi or on the Volga.
我们在此会见,正值全球陷入这一代人最严重的衰退。我认为,自由市场众所周知是创造和分配全球财富的最强大的力量。但是,无论在什么地方,如果市场不受任何约束──因承担过度的风险,缺乏监管或腐败──那么一切都会受到威胁,不论我们居住在密西西比河(Mississippi)流域,还是伏尔加(Volga)河畔。
In America, we're now taking unprecedented steps to jumpstart our economy and reform our system of regulation. But just as no nation can wall itself off from the consequences of a global crisis, no one can serve as the sole engine of global growth. You see, during your lives, something fundamental has changed. And while this crisis has shown us the risks that come with change, that risk is overwhelmed by opportunity.
在美国,我们现在正在采取前所未有的步骤,刺激经济回升,改革我们的监管体制。但是,如同没有任何国家能够在全球危机中独善其身一样,没有任何国家能够单独成为全球发展的动力。你们看,你们生活中发生了某种根本性的变化。虽然这场危机显示出变化带来的风险,但是机会远大于风险。
Think of what's possible today that was unthinkable two decades ago. A young woman with an Internet connection in Bangalore, India can compete with anybody anywhere in the world. An entrepreneur with a start-up company in Beijing can take his business global. An NES professor in Moscow can collaborate with colleagues at Harvard or Stanford. That's good for all of us, because when prosperity is created in India, that's a new market for our goods; when new ideas take hold in China, that pushes our businesses to innovate; when new connections are forged among people, all of us are enriched.
想想有多少在今天可能、而在20年前却不可思议的事。一位印度班加罗尔(Bangalore)的女青年可以通过互联网与世界上的任何人竞争。一位在北京创立公司的实业家可以让生意走向世界。一位在莫斯科的新经济学院教授可以与哈佛或斯坦福的同行展开合作。这些对我们所有人有益,因为当印度出现繁荣,我们的商品能有新市场;当新思维在中国扎根,它促使我们的商界创新;当人与人之间建立起新的关系,它丰富开阔了我们所有人。
There is extraordinary potential for increased cooperation between Americans and Russians. We can pursue trade that is free and fair and integrated with the wider world. We can boost investment that creates jobs in both our countries, we can forge partnerships on energy that tap not only traditional resources, like oil and gas, but new sources of energy that will drive growth and combat climate change. All of that, Americans and Russians can do together.
美国人和俄罗斯人之间有着扩大合作的巨大潜能。我们可以发展自由、公平的贸易,与世界更广大地区融合;我们可以推动投资,给两国创造就业机会;我们可以在能源领域发展伙伴关系,不仅调动石油和天然气等传统资源,而且开发新能源,带动增长,应对气候变化。对所有这一切,美国人和俄罗斯人都可以进行合作。
Now, government can promote this cooperation, but ultimately individuals must advance this cooperation, because the greatest resource of any nation in the 21st century is you. It's people; it's young people especially. And the country which taps that resource will be the country that will succeed. That success depends upon economies that function within the rule of law. As President Medvedev has rightly said, a mature and effective legal system is a condition for sustained economic development. People everywhere should have the right to do business or get an education without paying a bribe. Whether they are in America or Russia or Africa or Latin America, that's not a American idea or a Russian idea -- that's how people and countries will succeed in the 21st century.
然而,政府虽能够倡导这些合作,但最终还要靠每一个人来发展合作,因为对任何一个国家来说,21世纪的最宝贵资源是你们──是人;特别是年轻人。调动这项资源的国家将是一个成功的国家。而成功要基于在法治中运作的经济。正如梅德韦杰夫总统所正确指出的,成熟和有效的法律体制是经济持续发展的条件。人们在任何地方都应享有不靠行贿而经商或求学的权利,无论他们是在美国、在俄罗斯、在非洲、还是在拉丁美洲。这并不是美国的理念或俄罗斯的理念──这是人以及国家在21世纪的成功之路。
And this brings me to the fourth issue that I will discuss -- America's interest in democratic governments that protect the rights of their people.
接下来我准备讲述的第四个问题是,保护本国人民权利的民主政府体现了美国的利益。



By no means is America perfect. But it is our commitment to certain universal values which allows us to correct our imperfections, to improve constantly, and to grow stronger over time. Freedom of speech and assembly has allowed women, and minorities, and workers to protest for full and equal rights at a time when they were denied. The rule of law and equal administration of justice has busted monopolies, shut down political machines that were corrupt, ended abuses of power. Independent media have exposed corruption at all levels of business and government. Competitive elections allow us to change course and hold our leaders accountable. If our democracy did not advance those rights, then I, as a person of African ancestry, wouldn't be able to address you as an American citizen, much less a President. Because at the time of our founding, I had no rights -- people who looked like me. But it is because of that process that I can now stand before you as President of the United States.
美国并非十全十美。但正是因为我们坚持某些普遍的价值观,我们才有可能弥补不足之处,不断努力改进,假以时日即可愈益强大。由于倡导言论自由和集会自由,妇女、少数族裔和工人可以在自己的权利被剥夺的时候为获得全部的平等权利进行抗争。由于实行法治和司法平等,垄断被打破,腐败的政治机器被关闭,滥用权力的行为被制止。由于存在独立的媒体,工商业和政府的各级腐败行为被公之于众。由于采取竞选制度,我们可以改弦易辙,责成领导人忠于职守。如果我国的民主没有发挥促进这些权利的作用,那么我本人作为非洲裔的后代,就不可能以美国公民的身份向你们发表讲话,更不可能以美国总统的身份站在这里。在我国建国之初,我还没有什么权利——指当年和我类似的人们。但正是因为经历了这样的过程,现在我可以作为美国总统站在你们面前。
So around the world, America supports these values because they are moral, but also because they work. The arc of history shows that governments which serve their own people survive and thrive; governments which serve only their own power do not. Governments that represent the will of their people are far less likely to descend into failed states, to terrorize their citizens, or to wage war on others. Governments that promote the rule of law, subject their actions to oversight, and allow for independent institutions are more dependable trading partners. And in our own history, democracies have been America's most enduring allies, including those we once waged war with in Europe and Asia -- nations that today live with great security and prosperity.
因此,在世界各地,美国支持这些价值观,因为它们是道义的,也因为它们是有效的。历史的轨迹显示,为民服务的政府生存壮大;为自身谋利的政府则非如此。代表民意的政府很少会导致国家堕落衰败或恫吓公民、挑起战争。那些促进法治、接受监督、容许独立机构的政府是更为可靠的贸易伙伴。在美国自身历史上,民主国家一直是我们最持久的同盟,其中包括我们曾与之交战的欧洲和亚洲国家──这些国家如今享有极大的安全与繁荣。
Now let me be clear: America cannot and should not seek to impose any system of government on any other country, nor would we presume to choose which party or individual should run a country. And we haven't always done what we should have on that front. Even as we meet here today, America supports now the restoration of the democratically-elected President of Honduras, even though he has strongly opposed American policies. We do so not because we agree with him. We do so because we respect the universal principle that people should choose their own leaders, whether they are leaders we agree with or not.
但让我明确这一点:美国不能够也不应该谋求将任何政府体制强加于任何国家;我们也不会擅自认为应该由哪个政党或个人主管国家。在这方面我们不是一向做得很理想。就在我们在这里聚会的今天,美国现在支持洪都拉斯民选总统复职,尽管他强烈反对美国的政策。我们这样做并不是因为我们赞同他。我们这样做是因为我们尊重这样一个普世原则,即应该由人民选择他们自己的领导人,无论我们对这些领导人赞同与否。
And that leads me to the final area that I will discuss, which is America's interest in an international system that advances cooperation while respecting the sovereignty of all nations.
由此引到我要讨论的最后一个方面,即美国希望看到一个推动合作同时尊重所有国家主权的国际体制。
State sovereignty must be a cornerstone of international order. Just as all states should have the right to choose their leaders, states must have the right to borders that are secure, and to their own foreign policies. That is true for Russia, just as it is true for the United States. Any system that cedes those rights will lead to anarchy. That's why we must apply this principle to all nations -- and that includes nations like Georgia and Ukraine. America will never impose a security arrangement on another country. For any country to become a member of an organization like NATO, for example, a majority of its people must choose to; they must undertake reforms; they must be able to contribute to the Alliance's mission. And let me be clear: NATO should be seeking collaboration with Russia, not confrontation.
国家主权必须是国际秩序的根基。犹如所有国家应该有权选择自己的领导人一样,国家也必须有权保障自己边境的安全和制定自己的外交政策。这包括俄罗斯,也包括美国。任何割让那些权利的体制都将导致政治混乱。因此,我们必须将这一原则用于所有国家──其中包括像格鲁吉亚和乌克兰这样的国家。美国将绝不把安全机制强加于另一个国家。例如,任何国家要成为北约组织的一员都必须是基于其大多数公民的意愿;这些国家必须实行改革;它们必须能够为北约组织的使命贡献力量。让我明确表示:北约应该谋求与俄罗斯的合作,而不是对抗。
And more broadly, we need to foster cooperation and respect among all nations and peoples. As President of the United States, I will work tirelessly to protect America's security and to advance our interests. But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor dictate its terms to the world. That is something that America now understands, just as Russia understands. That's why America seeks an international system that lets nations pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests diverge; a system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed; a system where we hold ourselves to the same standards that we apply to other nations, with clear rights and responsibilities for all.
在更广泛的层次上,我们需要增进在所有国家和人民之间的合作与尊重。作为美国总统,我要不懈地为维护美国的安全和推进美国的利益而努力。但是,没有任何一个国家能够独自应对21世纪的挑战或让世界按自己的意志行事。美国现在认识到这点,俄罗斯也是如此。正因为如此,美国所寻求的是一个能够让各国和平发展自身利益──尤其是当这些利益相异时──的国际体制;一个使普世人权受尊重、践踏人权行为受抵制的体制;一个我们将自己和其他国家一视同仁、所有国家都具有明确的权利与责任的体制。
There was a time when Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin could shape the world in one meeting. Those days are over. The world is more complex today. Billions of people have found their voice, and seek their own measure of prosperity and self-determination in every corner of the planet. Over the past two decades, we've witnessed markets grow, wealth spread, and technology used to build -- not destroy. We've seen old hatreds pass, illusions of differences between people lift and fade away; we've seen the human destiny in the hands of more and more human beings who can shape their own destinies. Now, we must see that the period of transition which you have lived through ushers in a new era in which nations live in peace, and people realize their aspirations for dignity, security, and a better life for their children. That is America's interest, and I believe that it is Russia's interest as well.
当年罗斯福(Roosevelt)、邱吉尔(Churchill)和斯大林(Stalin)可以通过一次会议改变世界。但那个时代已经结束。今天,全世界的情况更为复杂。在全球每一个角落,数十亿人民已经发出自己的声音,并寻求以自己的方式实现繁荣和自决。过去20多年来,我们亲眼目睹了市场的发达、财富的扩展和利用技术进行建设——不是为了毁灭。我们看见老一代人的仇恨归于消泯,人与人之间想像中的差异逐渐淡薄和消逝;我们看见人类的未来掌握在越来越多能够决定自己命运的人手中。现在,我们应该看见,你们经历的过渡时期正迎来一个新时代,世界各国可以和平相处,各国人民也可以实现对尊严、安全和为子孙后代改善生活的渴望。这正是美国的利益所在。我相信,这也是俄罗斯的利益所在。
I know that this future can seem distant. Change is hard. In the words of that NES student back in 1993, the real world is not so rational as on paper. But think of the change that has unfolded with the passing of time. One hundred years ago, a czar ruled Russia, and Europe was a place of empire.  When I was born, segregation was still the law of the land in parts of America, and my father's Kenya was still a colony. When you were born, a school like this would have been impossible, and the Internet was only known to a privileged few.
我知道,这样的未来似乎还很遥远。变革并非轻而易举。正如新经济学院的那位学生在1993年所说的,现实的世界并不像书本上那样理性。但是不妨想一想过去已经发生的变革。一百年前,俄罗斯还在受沙皇的统治。整个欧洲仍然是帝国的天下。我出生的时候,种族隔离在美国部份地区仍属当地合法的行为。我父亲的原籍肯尼亚(Kenya)还是别国的殖民地。你们刚出生的时候,还不可能建立这样一个学院,同时只有少数有条件的人知道因特网。
You get to decide what comes next. You get to choose where change will take us, because the future does not belong to those who gather armies on a field of battle or bury missiles in the ground; the future belongs to young people with an education and the imagination to create. That is the source of power in this century. And given all that has happened in your two decades on Earth, just imagine what you can create in the years to come.
你们必须确定下一步怎么走。你们必须选择变革引导我们前进的方向,因为未来不属于在战场上调兵遣将的人,也不属于在地面上安置导弹的人;未来属于有教养的、充满想象力开创新天地的年轻一代。这才是这个世纪力量的源泉。考虑到你们这一代20多年来全世界发生的一切变化,不妨想一想你们在今后的年代可以有哪些开创性的作为。
Every country charts its own course. Russia has cut its way through time like a mighty river through a canyon, leaving an indelible mark on human history as it goes. As you move this story forward, look to the future that can be built if we refuse to be burdened by the old obstacles and old suspicions; look to the future that can be built if we partner on behalf of the aspirations we hold in common. Together, we can build a world where people are protected, prosperity is enlarged, and our power truly serves progress. And it is all in your hands. Good luck to all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
每一个国家都需要规划本国的道路。俄罗斯已经走过了岁月的征程,正如一条汹涌澎湃的大河穿越深深的峡谷,在身后留下了人类历史不可磨灭的印记。在你们继续奋进的道路上展望远大前程,只要我们抛弃历史的障碍和疑虑,不再背负沉重的包袱;展望远大前程,╗要我们为了实现共同的愿望相互合作。我们如果携手共进,完全可以建成能够保护人民,拓展繁荣和真正运用我们的实力不断进步的世界。愿上帝保佑你们大家一切顺利。多谢诸位。(掌声)

宇宙飞船 (离线)
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发表于 2009-7-15 23:39:41 |显示全部楼层
美国总统的演讲肯定是最正宗的英语口语交流学习材料。
置顶学习!
人生得意须尽欢,莫使金樽空对月,
天生我材必有用,千金散尽还复来。
宇宙飞船 (离线)
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发表于 2009-7-15 23:55:05 |显示全部楼层
加精收藏!
人生得意须尽欢,莫使金樽空对月,
天生我材必有用,千金散尽还复来。
sherwin (离线)
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专家VIP勋章

发表于 2009-7-16 08:59:47 |显示全部楼层
牌坊,鉴定完毕!
Netjob (离线)
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发表于 2009-7-16 09:27:56 |显示全部楼层
目前 俄国有1亿人口左右,  美国有3亿左右,  俄国幅员辽阔, 都是大平原的森林,河流交错。
更有北冰洋的 广阔空间与 白令海峡的 广大太平洋沿岸。
是个工业发达的国家,特别是高科技的军工企业。

俄国只要保护好这些资源,在与那些 杀鸡取卵,不留余地的【发展中国家】相比,简直就是“等着瞧”。

美国也是幅员辽阔,广大而没开发的阿拉斯加,众多的太平洋海岛与 独一无二的具有太平洋与大西洋的海岸线。 阿拉斯加也占据北冰洋与太平洋的有利地位,动植物,海洋资源丰富,矿产与石油丰富,北冰洋地下蕴含的资源更是不可估量。还有天然气与石油丰富的Mexico湾,还有百慕大大三角也是蕴含大量未开发的天然气等资源。

美国与那些在 杀鸡取卵,不留余地的【发展中国家】相比,简直就是“等着瞧”。

日本就不一样了~,很多稀有金属都依靠从大陆进口。一旦没有科技优势,没落是指日可待了。
500 字节以内
不支持自定义 Discuz! 代码
phoenixmy (离线)
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发表于 2009-7-16 09:29:20 |显示全部楼层
美国总统的演讲肯定要宣扬一下美帝的霸权主义
不过这里是英语版面,没有必要较真
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gusto (离线)
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发表于 2009-7-16 10:05:38 |显示全部楼层
政治家的演讲 和 英文广播(比如 VOA)一样。念的很清晰,目的是为听众懂。 作为口语或听力材料,就不够了, 念口语或听力,最好的是 美国电视剧或电影。。因为口语中很多表达方法或语调 在演讲或电台中是不会出现的。但是电视或电影中就会经常出现。
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